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2019
Friday, October 25th
1:00 PM

The Challenges and Opportunities from the WTO accession – the Case of Kosovo

PDF

Fisnik Muça, Ministry of Justice, Macedonia

Lipjan, Kosovo

1:00 PM - 2:30 PM

3:30 PM

Ethics Code of NGOs in Kosovo

PDF

Fjollë Nuhiu
Dritëro Arifi
Ngadhnjim Brovina

Lipjan, Kosovo

3:30 PM - 4:00 PM

4:00 PM

Multicultural consolidation through Consociational De- mocracy

PDF

Xhemail Çupi, University for Business and Technology

Lipjan, Kosovo

4:00 PM - 4:30 PM

Saturday, October 26th
9:00 AM

From Organ Trafficking to the Kosovo Specialist Chambers: The Strategic Narrative behind the Kosovo Specialist Chambers and the Specialist Prosecutor’s Office

Robert Muharremi, American University of Kosovo

Pristina, Kosovo

9:00 AM - 9:30 AM

International justice, the establishment of international criminal tribunals and war crimes trials are influenced by strategic narratives. These narratives are deliberatively designed to advance politically motivated interests and intend to use international justice mechanisms as a useful instrument to legitimize these interests. Part of these interests is to re-write the history of a conflict by framing political actors as criminals and delegitimizing liberation movements as criminal organizations. Against this background, the present article analyzes the Council of Europe Report on “Inhuman treatment of people and illicit trafficking in human organs in Kosovo” from the perspective of a strategic narrative, its intention to brand the Kosovo Liberation Army as a criminal organization and its liberation war as a criminal activity, and the impact this narrative had on international public opinion which led to the establishment of the Kosovo Specialist Chambers and the Kosovo Specialist Prosecutor’s Office.

9:30 AM

Reconciliation, its elements and methods: the case of Kosovo

Merita Limani, nstitute for Sociological, Political and Juridical Research

Pristina, Kosovo

9:30 AM - 10:00 AM

How to achieve reconciliation especially after a society has undergone violent and enduring conflict? There are many examples for the societies, especially in the western world, that have moved beyond conflicts to build trust and create long lasting partnerships in the benefit of their nations. A typical example is the Franco-German case. The reconciliation process in these countries was used as a peacebuilding strategy to overcome historical antagonisms between two countries using cooperative linkages, community building, and the extension of the societal and cultural ties . However, will countries in Balkan, in particular, would Kosovo and Serbia be able to do the same? An answer to this question is explored by using the reconciliation theory, its elements and methods and how they apply to the reconciliation developments in Kosovo and Serbia. The paper distinguishes between the reconciliation process at state level and community level. The paper concludes that reconciliation process is stalling in both levels. At the state level, the reconciliation between Kosovo and Serbia is stalling due to the absence of acknowledgment and lack of taking the responsibility about the past wrongdoings. Small initiatives at the community level have been undertaken to acknowledge the wrongdoings. However, both communities maintain their version of truth and live peacefully in a parallel existence.

10:00 AM

The renegotiation of social policy in Kosovo: gradual institutional change since independence

Artan Mustafa, University for Business and Technology
Pellumb Collaku, University for Business and Technology - UBT

Pristina, Kosovo

10:00 AM - 10:30 AM

This paper examines institutional change in Kosovo since its declaration of independence by focusing on social protection and employment policy. The paper is informed by the gradual institutional change theory which emphasises the silent, gradual rather than abrupt change and the casual role of political coalitions and state institutional characteristics. It draws on data such as public policy reform documents, social indicators, legislation and other parliamentary public data, official comments on reform documents etc. Existing literature dealing with post-socialist trajectories in the South-eastern Europe shows that international organisations, such as the World Bank, played a leading role in social policy formation during the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK, 1999-2008) deployed following NATO’s military intervention which ended the war (1998-1999) between the Albanian majority population and the Government of Yugoslavia. Due to this foreign influence, Kosovo established the most radical pro-market social policy among the former entities of socialist Yugoslavia where most social insurance institutions were maintained. However, since Kosovo’s independence, two forms of active institutional change and change articulations have taken place: (1) significant short-term layering in the form of categorical rights, and recently (2) initiatives and changes with longer-term relevance oriented towards installing social insurance, strengthening employment and wage protection, and improving poverty protection. The changes have socio-economic and ideological implications widely unexpected when the after-war residual social policy was installed. We argue that, in addition to other factors, these changes were influenced crucially by state institutional characteristics, political parties that were created by former Kosovo Liberation Army leadership, and recently the left leaning parties. Cumulatively, the changes amount to a significant transformation from (1) a “caricature” of residual, liberal policy to (2) a government financed dominated social protection with clientelistic features, and (3) to potentially a mixture of government financed redistribution, social insurance, and private market solutions.

10:30 AM

Negotiations on the Normalization of Relations between Serbia and Kosovo: Constraints and Obstacles

Agon Halabaku, University for Business and Technology
Valbona Halabaku, University for Business and Technology - UBT

Pristina, Kosovo

10:30 AM - 11:00 AM

The process of negotiating the normalization of relations between Serbia and Kosovo is one of the most important political processes for both countries, and in general for the Western Balkans region. Apart from influencing the normalization of relations between the two countries, it will be crucial for their journey towards European integration and will facilitate Kosovo's accession and participation in regional and global initiatives. Of course, for the start and the course of these negotiations, the role of the EU as a facilitator is of great importance. The process of negotiating the normalization of relations between Serbia and Kosovo is the most important mediation enterprise for the EU. It is one of the most important political processes in the history of these two countries and for the Western Balkans as a whole. This process, besides affecting the normalization of relations between the two countries, and creating a spirit of cooperation, it will be decisive in their journey towards European integrations and will create Kosovo's facilities for membership and participation in regional and global initiatives. In this paper, during the analysis of this process, will be highlighted some facts and data which pose a challenge to its normal course of action, such as the lack of official documents and full transparency, ambiguity and the possibility of interpreting signed agreements, including even official versions of agreements, Serbia's unwillingness to recognize Kosovo's independence and its aggressive diplomacy, EU neutrality towards Kosovo's statehood, failure to realize and not implement agreements by parties etc. In the end, relying on the course of negotiations, on the need to reach a binding legal agreement for both sides and the prospect that this agreement would offer, we will try to provide the essential elements that must be in place in this legal framework.

Special Prosecution and its Impact on the European Integration Processes of the Republic of North Macedonia

Argetim Salihu, University for Business and Technology - UBT
Avni Avdiu, Mother Teresa University- Skopje

Pristina, Kosovo

10:30 AM - 11:00 AM

Since the independence of the Republic of Macedonia, one of the most problematic issues, both at home and abroad, has been and remains the judiciary. This paper is concerned with the case of Special Prosecution and its Impact on the European Integration Processes of the Republic of North Macedonia. The Prosecution was established in 2015 to investigate the top level corruption in the former government. We argue that the workings of the Prosecution have had relevant reflections on the internal political competition, citizens’ trust towards the institutions, and the country’s European trajectory.

11:00 AM

Putin Backfire: Effects of Authoritarian Endorsement in Swing States of Europe

Aleksandr Fisher, The George Washington University
Henry Hale, The George Washington University
Ridvan Peshkopia, University for Business and Technology - UBT

Pristina, Kosovo

11:00 AM - 11:30 AM

Which citizens are most receptive to foreign endorsements from autocrats? New information and communication technologies increasingly allow foreign leaders to shape public opinion outside their borders. Yet, we do not know much about the influence of endorsements outside the United States, especially when the endorsement comes from a non-democratic leader. We explore the influence of autocratic endorsements by studying Vladimir Putin’s influence in three European swing states, Albania, Kosovo and Serbia. Our study has two main objectives. First, we identify those dispositions that correlate with Putin-sympathy, testing whether support for Putin is linked to the “conservative values.” While many claim that Russia is promoting a kind of old Holy Alliance, there is mixed evidence that individuals with far-right attitudes tend to support Putin. Second, we use a survey experiment (N=1,653) to assess whether Putin’s endorsement impacts attitudes. Our study makes several theoretical and empirical contributions. While a growing body of research shows that foreign actors can shape public opinion, others show that foreign cues are ineffective or even counter-productive. However, existing research has primary studied foreign cues in the United States, which limits what this body of research can say about the effect of foreign endorsements on citizens’ political attitudes outside Western democracies. We analyze the influence of foreign endorsement in countries typically overlooked by political scientists and assess how various individual-level factors, other than partisanship and political awareness, shape receptivity to foreign voices. Moreover, given Albania, Kosovo, and Serbia’s diverse historical, cultural, and economic ties with Russia, we distinguish between country-level and individual-level moderators of foreign endorsements. Second, prior studies tend to focus on cues from international organizations. In reality, most individuals do not have strong priors toward NGOs, meaning these studies may not represent how people actually receive information from international actors. We focus on estimating the effect of cues from foreign leaders, which tend to be more salient, and consequently, more persuasive. Third, given the growing attention to autocrats’ efforts to reshape global politics by manipulating public opinion, it is important to assess how cues from non-democratic leaders affect foreign policy attitudes. Few studies explicitly analyze how endorsement from autocrats shift foreign policy views, focusing instead on endorsement from Western democracies or international organizations. By studying what influence autocratic leaders have on public opinion outside their borders, we are able to comment on the mechanism by which autocrats can manipulate political outcomes in democratic settings. Therefore, we also contribute to a growing literature on Russia’s international influence, particularly Putin’s ability to manipulate global public opinion. We test our hypotheses with cellphone RDD simple random samples collected in Albania, Kosovo and Serbia in winter 2017-2018. We yield several notable and unexpected findings. First, we show that while support for NATO is associated negatively with sympathy for Putin, feeling toward the US and EU have no effect. The relationship between conservative values and pro-Putin attitudes is mixed. Believing that anti-homosexuality predicts pro-Putin views in Albania but not in Serbia. Interestingly, pro-immigration attitudes are associated with a sympathy for Putin in Albania but have the opposite effect in Serbia. We emphasize the importance of not overemphasizing the relationship between individual-level variables and support for autocratic leaders since these associations can vary based on geopolitical context. Second, we find that endorsements from Vladimir Putin backfire - decreasing people’s belief that Trump presidency will be good for their countries. The backfire effect is strongest in Albania, demonstrating that geopolitical orientation is a prominent moderating factor. Moreover, we find that age and sex strongly influence whether people accept an endorsement from Putin. Older citizens and women tend to be the most likely to have less favorable views of Trump’s presidency if the president’s actions are endorsed by Putin. Contrary to the narrative of an (Un)holy Alliance between Russia and the far-right, individuals with conservative viewpoints are not more receptive to Putin’s influence. Finally, attitudes toward NATO, the EU, and the United States are also not strong moderating variables. We argue that the influence of autocratic voices in other countries may be overstated.

11:30 AM

The breaking points of Russian foreign policy

Adelina Hasani, Kosovo Democratic Institute (KDI)

Pristina, Kosovo

11:30 AM - 12:00 PM

Russian foreign policy has two main breaking points. Two important cases in the international system have altered its foreign policy fundamentally. First one is NATO’s military intervention in Kosovo and the second one is the 2014 Ukraine crisis. These two breaking points made Russian foreign policy more aggressive in its relations with neighbours and in its attitude towards the international norms. NATO’s military interventions in ex-Yugoslavian countries but also interference of the Western countries in Ukraine crisis undermined Russian attempts to position itself as a great power in the international system. This paper will provide an in-depth analysis on how Russian military doctrines, its leaders declarations but also its relations with Western countries have changed after NATO’s intervention in Kosovo and the crisis in Ukraine. The paper argues that the interventions of the Western countries in the area, that was in the past considered within Russia's "natural borders", has changed Russian foreign policy and its position in the international system.

12:00 PM

Aspects of Diplomatic Relations between England and Albania before and after Corfu Channel Crisis

Redi Papa, University for Business and Technology

Pristina, Kosovo

12:00 PM - 12:30 PM

The underling purpose of this paper is to provide a comprehensive panorama of peculiar aspects concerning diplomatic relations between Albania and Britain before and after Corfu Channel Incident. Among others this paper elaborates key aspects of diplomatic relations between Britain and Albania before and after the Second World War. Indeed there have been found evidences that British officers admit that the relations between them and Albanian authorities were mainly characterized by a lack of trustworthiness devoid of the fact that they were allies and were fighting to attain a common goal against fascism and Nazism. Generally speaking the paper intents to analyze the positive as well as multifaceted collaboration between those countries against the common enemy Nazism and the rapid aggravation of relations between them after Albanian Labor Party come into power. The countries were soon at odds to each for numerous reasons concerned with having different ideologies, spheres of interest and regimes. The disputes between countries worsened even further after the reign Albanian Communist Regime which would metaphorically resemble to an “impenetrable shell”. The paper will primarily focus on these elements which at a large extent triggered and culminated with the Corfu Channel Incident. First and Foremost British Government was reluctant to recognize post-war Albanian government on grounds of lack of free elections; refusal of Albanian authorities to accept the aid of UNRRA was also condemned by British Government and to make the matter worse Albanian government request to be invited in the Conference of San Francisco of UNO in 1945 was simultaneously refused for three times. Undoubtedly these may be considered some negative aspects, which anticipated the upcoming developments and spurred the first sparkles of the Cold War in Balkans.

12:30 PM

The Correlates of Global Trumpism: A Study of Three Geopolitical Swing States in Europe

Henry Hale, The George Washington University
Ridvan Peshkopia, University for Business and Technology - UBT

Pristina, Kosovo

12:30 PM - 1:00 PM

Observers frequently link Donald Trump’s rise in U.S. politics to a global wave of populism that includes everything from the United Kingdom’s Brexit vote to the election of far-right leaders in Brazil. Some even write about a “global Trumpism” by which Trump himself becomes a symbol in public opinion beyond U.S. borders. The extent and sources of foreign support for Trump, however, remain open questions and have yet to be subjected to systematic public opinion research. We open up this research agenda through original, nationally representative surveys conducted in 2018 in two countries representing very different post-Cold-War geopolitical orientations: the traditionally “pro-American” Albania and the more “anti-American” (and pro-Russian) Serbia. Focusing on variation in the degree to which respondents view Donald Trump as treating their own country more favorably than have other recent U.S. presidents, we find that support for Trump abroad is indeed linked to many of the same dispositions that have been found to win him support at home, including a belief in strongman leadership, personal appeal, intolerance of Muslim refugees, skepticism of NATO, and pro-Russian sentiment. While these patterns generally hold across country context, baseline Trump favorability is confirmed to be far higher among the traditionally more “pro-Russian” Serbs in Serbia than among the traditionally more “pro-American” Albanians in Albania. Global Trumpism is not, however, found to be channeling discontent with one’s own country’s politicians as in the US. It is also not consistently reflecting economic dissatisfaction: While Trump appeals to people with low income, the less-educated, and individuals who consider themselves to be economic losers in the post-communist transition, he loses support among people whose own material situation has deteriorated over the previous year. Global Trumpism, then, appears to be rooted more strongly in the cross-context appeals of cultural conservatism, leadership style, and geopolitical orientation than in dissatisfaction with economic trends or one’s own country’s politics.

1:00 PM

The Challenges and Opportunities from the WTO accession - the Case of Kosovo

Fisnik Muça, Ministry of Justice, Macedonia

Pristina, Kosovo

1:00 PM - 2:30 PM

Kosovo is one of the newest countries in the world, which, after independence in 2008, has made many efforts to establish a democratic western system and a free market economy. As a partially recognized state and disputed territory by Serbia and its allies, Kosovo became a part of the Central European Free Trade Agreement (CEFTA) in 2007, initially as UMNIK, then under its official name. This research paper intends to highlight the need for Kosovo to be a member of the World Trade Organization (WTO), taking into account the challenges and opportunities encountered in the process of starting negotiations and being a member or observer in this organization. Through the analysis of statistical data on Kosovo's foreign trade and other relevant indicators for this research, as well as through data obtained from interviews conducted with the heads of the Department of Trade at the Ministry of Industry and Trade of Kosovo, we conclude that obstacles that Kosovo has not yet applied to be part of the WTO are mainly technical and political. Kosovo's challenges and opportunities are categorized into three levels: international, state, and microeconomic. Kosovo's participation in the international trade arena will be a challenge for the government which has to make legislative changes and the custom tariffs revenues will be lower; for domestic companies facing external competition, and it will be a good option for consumers who will pay less for their products and services.

The role of the international factor in the issue of minorities in the Balkans

Ilir Zylfiu, University for Business and Technology

Pristina, Kosovo

1:00 PM - 2:30 PM

This paper trails the protection of minorities in the Balkans over time – when the protection of minorities begun, what protection existed after the Second World War, and what was the approach of the international organizations on minority protection in the Balkans since 1990s. Balkan nations are multi-ethnic societies and Balkans is an illustrator case on how important and vital the representation of minorities within the political system and society can be. Since the 90's, with the collapse of the Communist regimes, the certain regions of Europe were involved in ethnic conflicts and they continue to threaten the stability of the region and the unification of Europe. The position of minorities plays an important role for the stability and prosperity in general and it is important to evaluate various strategies and results concerning minority protection. The paper provides an in-depth discussion of the minorities in the Balkans.

US policy towards the Albanian cause in Yugoslavia during the Cold War

Fati Iseni, University for Business and Technology - UBT

Pristina, Kosovo

1:00 PM - 2:30 PM

Political reflections from the collision of major world political blocs during the Cold War were mostly felt in Eastern and South-Eastern Europe. This included the Albanians which following 1945 remained divided separated in Yugoslavia and Albania. Yugoslavia did not remain close to Soviet Union and developed at certain points even open cooperation with the United States. US was obviously concerned with the position of the Albanians in Yugoslavia but its geopolitical and geostrategic interest was to keep Yugoslavia out of the iron curtain. Based on the documents of American Administration of the time, one can notice that all political developments in the Albanian areas in Yugoslavia were monitored in detail, although the US Government was not interested in interfering with the Yugoslav politics. However, by the beginning of the 1980s, there was a greater interest towards Albanians but any upheaval in Yugoslavia was viewed by the US as a possible opportunity for the Soviet Union to reach the Adriatic and Aegean Sea through Yugoslavia and Albania. The economic crisis in the Soviet Union, the implications of a crackdown within NATO during the 1980s, and the insistence on dominant policy at a global level, led the US to show greater interest in the Balkan region and consequently seek safer allies in the Balkans in long-term terms. Debates in the US Congress and CIA reports in the mid-1980s show a clearer stand in support of the Albanian issue.

3:00 PM

The renegotiation of social policy in Kosovo: gradual institutional change since independence

Artan Mustafa, University for Business and Technology
Pellumb Collaku, The Sapienza University of Rome

Pristina, Kosovo

3:00 PM - 3:30 PM

This paper examines institutional change in Kosovo since its declaration of independence by focusing on social protection and employment policy. The paper is informed by the gradual institutional change theory which emphasises the silent, gradual rather than abrupt change and the casual role of political coalitions and state institutional characteristics. It draws on data such as public policy reform documents, social indicators, legislation and other parliamentary public data, official comments on reform documents etc. Existing literature dealing with post-socialist trajectories in the South-eastern Europe shows that international organisations, such as the World Bank, played a leading role in social policy formation during the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK, 1999-2008) deployed following NATO’s military intervention which ended the war (1998-1999) between the Albanian majority population and the Government of Yugoslavia. Due to this foreign influence, Kosovo established the most radical pro-market social policy among the former entities of socialist Yugoslavia where most social insurance institutions were maintained. However, since Kosovo’s independence, two forms of active institutional change and change articulations have taken place: (1) significant short-term layering in the form of categorical rights, and recently (2) initiatives and changes with longer-term relevance oriented towards installing social insurance, strengthening employment and wage protection, and improving poverty protection. The changes have socio-economic and ideological implications widely unexpected when the after-war residual social policy was installed. We argue that, in addition to other factors, these changes were influenced crucially by state institutional characteristics, political parties that were created by former Kosovo Liberation Army leadership, and recently the left leaning parties. Cumulatively, the changes amount to a significant transformation from (1) a “caricature” of residual, liberal policy to (2) a government financed dominated social protection with clientelistic features, and (3) to potentially a mixture of government financed redistribution, social insurance, and private market solutions.

3:30 PM

Ethics code of NGOs in Kosovo

Fjolla Nuhiu
Dritero Arifi, University for Business and Technology
Ngadhnjim Brovina, University for Business and Technology - UBT

Pristina, Kosovo

3:30 PM - 4:00 PM

It is very important for any institution or organization to have an ethics code and respect it, but in transitional countries such as Kosovo, this and so many other issues still remain unsolved. The aim of this research paper is to elaborate the issue of the ethics code of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in Kosovo. This paper initially elaborates a brief history regarding the establishment of NGOs in Kosovo, afterwards, the main topic, deals with the question: Do all NGOs have the ethics code, if no, who is to blame? In order to gather information related to this topic, a qualitative research methodology was used. Descriptive and analytical method was used to arrive at the conclusion of this topic. All the data were gained from official websites and from authorized officials of NGOs and official governmental institutions such as Ministry of Public Administration. The major finding of this research is giving answer to the above mentioned question, and the answer is: No, not all NGOs in Kosovo have the ethics code and nobody monitors them or asks from them responsibility for that. Since there is not any kind of supervision, not having the Ethics Code seems to be the negligence of the higher institutions.

4:00 PM

Multicultural consolidation through Consociational Democracy

Xhemail Çupi, University for Business and Technology

Pristina, Kosovo

4:00 PM - 4:30 PM

The consensus in multicultural societies such as North Macedonia may not be the same as in states with a homogeneous liberal culture. The "power-sharing" model that emerged from a war crisis and a peace agreement acknowledge the division of society which is in the process of consolidation. The elite consensual culture in the sense of Liphart's "spirit of adaptation and compromise" has been considered necessary for democratic consolidation, by not neglecting the power of voters to elect their political leaders. North Macedonia can have a successful multicultural democracy only if it builds an authentic consensual model of power-sharing that is generated under the social, cultural, ethnic and religious structure of his society.

4:30 PM

Digitalization of Parliamentary Services Eases Implementation of Model e-Deputy (E-MP) – Case Study of Assembly of North Macedonia

Argetim Salihu, University for Business and Technology - UBT
Arbnor Rushiti, Mother Teresa University- Skopje

Pristina, Kosovo

4:30 PM - 5:00 PM

This paper reviews the E-MP institution, which aims to make the Member of Parliaments and Parliaments more efficient. It focuses on the case study of the Assembly of North Macedonia. Information and communication technology (ICT) helps the e-MP which ensures more transparency, accessibility, efficiency and effectiveness by the parliaments. The paper discusses the usefulness e-communication, e-parliamentary library, e-reports etc. It argues that improved information management in the Parliament is a very important part of the e-democracy. Models are discussed on how the communication between MPs and population could be improved and how goals can be reached.

Political culture, language and the use of voting rights in North Macedonia

Muhamet Isufi, Faculty of Islamic Sciences, Skopje, North Macedonia
Muaz Agushi, Islamic Religious Community of Macedonia

Pristina, Kosovo

4:30 PM - 5:00 PM

Cultural politic and language are the two fundamental areas of a state where excluding culture from politics and vice versa is very dangerous to the health of a nation. While the politics is the external and structural form of building a state or nation, culture and language are the inner essence that give its spirit and identity. Voter turnout is an indicator of the level of interest and civic participation in political decision-making, competitive party offerings, and civic trust in political actors. Extensive participation, when it comes to a competitive system, significantly increases the responsibility of political actors for civic demands and concerns. This paper is interested with how different systems enfranchise or disenfranchise voting of ethnicities in North Macedonia and Albania and how do ethnic voters chose? Do ethnic considerations lead to re-election of political leaders previously ousted on charges of corruption and mismanagement?

5:00 PM

History, Politics and the Complexity of Kosovo Albanian identity

Rrezarta Reka, College "Universum"

Pristina, Kosovo

5:00 PM - 5:30 PM

National identity remains one of the most challenging identities to research and define, due to lack of common agreement on linguistic and conceptual definitions, but also due to the ever-changing dynamics of identities. Research is further complicated as identities do not necessarily reveal what we are, but rather what we think we are. The national identity of Kosovo Albanians, especially after the declaration of independence in 2008, became a debatable issue revealing the competition between the new Kosovo state identity reinforced by legal and constitutional requirements, but also the new state symbols, versus the national Albanian identity, as a collective identity of all Albanians, rooted in history, symbols and common myths. Through Schils reproductive theory and comparative methods, the paper analyzes the complexity of the Kosovo Albanian identity from a linguistic, sociological and constitutional perspective, but also argues that the identity complexity is heavily attributed to historical and political circumstances leading to the independence of Albania and the independence of Kosovo, a century after. Selected survey results for PhD thesis purposes of the author are used to illustrate the identity sentiments of the Albanians in Kosovo. The importance of the paper is to generate further discussions and wider research on the Albanian identity, and optimally provide options in harmonizing the national and state identity.

5:30 PM

Social Market Economy as an Alternative to the Washington Consensus in the Western Balkans

Ruzhdi Matoshi, University for Business and Technology

Pristina, Kosovo

5:30 PM - 6:00 PM

Nearly three decades after the beginning of transition from communism to democracy and open market economy in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), the Washington Consensus in general received the mark as a failure. While the experience from the CEE apart from common results showed considerable variations, the package of reforms from the Washington Consensus is questioned even in the long-term perspective, especially for producing high social costs. Recent mass emigrations from the Western Balkans due to poor economic conditions and from the Middle East, have brought to attention the credibility of exporting or imposing the American type of democracy, and with it, the Washington Consensus as a model of economic transformation and development. But is there an alternative? In fact, it already existed even before the systemic changes in CEE began, and can be now more preferable to the countries that have to undergo a considerable economic transformation. That is the social market economy, which still can be applied in some countries that have lagged behind in transition. This paper explores the perspective of introducing and implementing such a model in the Western Balkan countries.

The Analyses of Management and Manager’s Experience Impact on Success of Kosovo SME’s

Enver Krasniqi, University for Business and Technology
Xhevdet Krasniqi, University for Business and Technology - UBT
Dea Krasniqi

Pristina, Kosovo

5:30 PM - 6:00 PM

This paper deals with a detailed overview of management of SME’s their growth and development in Kosovo. It focuses on the main components of management and its impact on the success and development, the techniques and the approaches to assess the SME economic system and their development, impact of research on initiatives of SMEs etc. It further deals with the growth of micro and small economic firms and the role of Management experiences in firm success. The paper utilised administrative data issued by Kosovo Agency of Statistics and Kosovo Customs as well as a questionnaire conducted by BSCK in 2016, with 500 businesses throughout Kosovo except the northern part. Through a linear regression model we have investigated the impacts on our dependent variable "The Profit growth and overall turnover of SMEs in Kosovo". Beyond the overall structural constraints to SMEs, we have diagnosed major SME management problems in Kosovo.

The relationship between community and local government – a comparative study of the municipalities in Pristina region (municipalities: Pristina, Fushë Kosovë/Kosovo Polje and Gllogoc)

Ferdi Kamberi, University of Prishtina

Pristina, Kosovo

5:30 PM - 6:00 PM

Community development is one of the most studied topics in social science. It empowers ability to act in the community and social capital such as through social organisation in the forms of networking, coordination and cooperation for mutual benefit. Local governments are expected to include communities in the decision making. In Kosovo, according to the law on local government, the local mechanisms for the community decision making inclusion process are: public meetings, petitions, civic initiatives, local referendums etc., which are part of direct democracy and their aim is to involve citizens in drafting and developing public policies. This paper makes a comparative analysis of the development of the communities in the municipalities of Pristina region, their relationship with the local government structures and the participation of the community in the decision making process. We have conducted a quantitative research informed by interviewees with respondents. The overall results show that the communities in these municipalities demonstrate a very low participation rate in public meetings which reflects in the decision making, 55.1% of respondents had never participated at any public meeting organized by municipality, 36.6% of them had participated in some of them, 6% had participated in half of the public meetings, and 2.3% in many of the public meetings. Some of the factors behind the low participation of the community in these processes are: lack of cooperation among the community itself, disregard of community opinion by local government, lack of time and also lack of a more active citizenship which can be considered as the voice of the community in decision making. Low participation of the community in public meetings highlights the relationship within the community itself and also its relationship with the local government.

The world republic as Kant's alternative to permanent peace

Kushtrim Ahmeti, University for Business and Technology

Pristina, Kosovo

5:30 PM - 6:00 PM

The purpose of this paper is to interpret Kant's philosophical-political concepts of the world republic. In the book "Towards Permanent Peace" which takes the form of an international treaty, he encourages a new world order. Our normative interpretation consults different studies on Kant’s work. It is seems that for Kant the problem of the world government is the problem of lasting peace, since for him humanity has the following alternatives: either lasting peace or a serious danger of total destruction. He is of the idea that political peace between states takes the form of an alliance for peace, which is at the same time different from the peace treaty and the world republic, as the latter seeks to put an end to all wars, while the former aims only at ending the war that has already started.

2020
Friday, October 30th
8:30 AM

International Conference on Political Science

PDF

University for Business and Technology - UBT

Lipjan, Kosovo

8:30 AM - 6:30 PM

Saturday, October 31st
9:00 AM

A Stage-Structured Model of Progress toward EU Accession in the Western Balkans

Eglantina Kalluçi Xhaja, University of Tirana
Ridvan Peshkopia, University for Business and Technology - UBT

Lipjan, Kosovo

9:00 AM - 10:55 AM

Whereas much of the extant literature on the effects of EU membership conditionality on policy change in and progress toward EU accession represent conceptual research, qualitative analysis and statistical models, we still lack a comprehensive model of Western Balkans countries’ compliance with EU membership conditions. Qualitative data remain susceptible to subjective interpretations and biased conclusions, whereas statistical analysis relies on scarce data and limited external validity. Mathematical models could fill that gap. We build a stage-structured model that captures the dynamics of EU membership compliance over the last 20 years in the Western Balkans, as they go through the seven stages of the EU accession process. Our model builds on Lefkovitch’s population growth model as updated by Fujiwara and Diaz-Lopez, but makes the necessary modifications to properly apply to our case. Our efforts become relevant as all of the six countries of the region, Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Serbia aspire to join the Union, yet they remain in different accession process stages. Serbia and Montenegro are EU candidate countries well ahead in the accession negotiation process; Albania and North Macedonia, two other EU candidate countries, have just received the green light to start accession negotiations; and BiH and Kosovo have signed their Stabilization and Association Agreements with the EU, one of the idiosyncratic accession stages of the EU accession process in the region.

Albania in MEAC (Mutual Economic Assistance Council), it’s challenges in the Common Market of the Communist Bloc

Hajdi Xhixha, University for Business and Technology - UBT

Lipjan, Kosovo

9:00 AM - 10:55 AM

The year 1949 had already institutionalized the creation of two political blocs, that of Western Europe and that of Communist Eastern Europe. The destruction of relationships between the US and the USSR led to its political consequences in Europe, and, particularly, in the Balkan region, raising the need for analysis and effects, except effects felt in Albanian politics as part of the regional political context. In the background,the race between the two blocs, the Soviet Union - the USSR considered necessary to balance the political forces, so the next Soviet instrument was the Mutual Economic Assistance Council –MEAC, an economic and political body established in 1949, which would extend absolute Soviet control over the countries of the Socialist Camp. Named also as Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance (MEAC), it represented a new system of international relations, based on bilateral economic, political and military relations, which was worth the USSR to keep under control the entire socialist camp, that headed. Albania joined the MEAC immediately after the institutionalization of its relations with the USSR, thus marking its official entry into the socialist camp. Albanian membership was accompanied by challenges and consequences in its internal and foreign policy of Albania. MEAC aimed to provide mutual assistance between the USSR and the Eastern Bloc member countries, to coordinate foreign trade, exchange information on their economies, exchange views and common experiences in the function of a common market. This paper will focus on the status that the Albanian Communist Party - ACP had in the MEAC; it’s challenges to overcome, in order to gain a privileged position with Stalin and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union –SUCP; how much the loans granted affected economic development of Albania, etc. The main object of this paper is the analysis of the conditions in which was realized the access of Albania in MEAC, the challenges, the economic and political benefits, following a methodology applied in the use of chronological and thematic criteria, in order to perform a description of historical events, but also to analyze them.(an analysis of them. Confronting the historical facts and ignoring the previous ideological-political approaches lead to the necessity study of the situations that have occurred at that time.

Defamilialisation in a “caricature” of the liberal regime: Large social strata worse-off from the expanding privatisation

Artan Mustafa, University for Business and Technology

Lipjan, Kosovo

9:00 AM - 10:55 AM

This article examines the extent and the determinants of defamilialisation of child care in Kosovo. It uses a recent representative survey covering the whole country, other administrative data and existing literature. The article argues that the defamilialisation rate in the country and its mode demonstrate in unique ways that policy matters: namely, it is shown that when a public universal right is in place, like the tax financed pre-school preparatory classes, it may be extensively used despite low existing employment rate of women or a weak policy on leaves from work. It is also shown that targeted eligibility conditions for public child care services might result in relevant defamilialisation for the lower income class, but the defamilialisation through these services is not limited to “market failures” only as it tends to correlate positively with public employment and upper income class as well. However, the overall residual-liberal leaning policy and regime produce growing defamilialisation through private child care services, particularly for children under 5 years old, leaving large social strata worse-off. Similar outcomes are observed in terms of childlessness. As some family policy literature expects, Kosovo’s defamilialisation could be furthermore impacted from factors beyond labour market such as social modernisation.

New EU Methodology and the Accession of North Macedonia and Albania

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Blerim Reka

Lipjan, Kosovo

9:00 AM - 10:55 AM

In my paper I will try to explain the new context of EU enlargement and its implication for the Western Balkans Countries within the new EU methodology of 2020. EU integration of the Western Balkans will be different compared with all previous accessions. This new context of enlargement is due to 2 new EU strategic documents: “New Methodology” of Enlargement and “Blueprint action plan for rule of law” of the European Commission. There is a new context of enlargement, where the process is becoming: more gradual, more conditional, more predictable, and reversible. New Methodology launched by EC on 5th February will also increase political weight of member states, which will be together with the Commission from the beginning of the negotiation process, could intervene in any phase and revert it. Politically, member states with get more political weight in the accession negotiation process, and technically instead of previous model of opening and closing 35 chapters, EC and member states will negotiate with candidate state, within 7 clusters which include more chapters. The Republic of North Macedonia and Albania are the first two countries, which are expected to be invited till the end of this year at the first EU inter-governmental conference, which will sign the start of accession negotiation process. But at least one year and half is needed for bilateral screening, than progress report by EC- approved by all member states, in order to start accession negotiation within the first cluster. Likely, during actual German Presidency of EU, two countries with be invited in December 2020 to inter-governmental conference, but less likely that they will start negotiations before beginning of 2022, during the French Presidency of EU. Apart from internal reform (as vertical condition), both countries are facing with external challenges, (as horizontal condition), due to possible veto of Bulgaria against North Macedonia (for the history and language); and of Greece against Albania, (for the sea border).

11:20 AM

A Stage-Structured Model of Progress toward EU Accession in the Western Balkans

Eglantina Kalluçi Xhaja, University of Tirana
Ridvan Peshkopia, University of Tirana

Lipjan, Kosovo

11:20 AM - 12:50 PM

Whereas much of the extant literature on the effects of EU membership conditionality on policy change in and progress toward EU accession represent conceptual research, qualitative analysis and statistical models, we still lack a comprehensive model of Western Balkans countries’ compliance with EU membership conditions. Qualitative data remain susceptible to subjective interpretations and biased conclusions, whereas statistical analysis relies on scarce data and limited external validity. Mathematical models could fill that gap. We build a stage-structured model that captures the dynamics of EU membership compliance over the last 20 years in the Western Balkans, as they go through the seven stages of the EU accession process. Our model builds on Lefkovitch’s population growth model as updated by Fujiwara and Diaz-Lopez, but makes the necessary modifications to properly apply to our case. Our efforts become relevant as all of the six countries of the region, Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Serbia aspire to join the Union, yet they remain in different accession process stages. Serbia and Montenegro are EU candidate countries well ahead in the accession negotiation process; Albania and North Macedonia, two other EU candidate countries, have just received the green light to start accession negotiations; and BiH and Kosovo have signed their Stabilization and Association Agreements with the EU, one of the idiosyncratic accession stages of the EU accession process in the region.

Democratic stability of pluralist societies

Flora Kadriu, University for Business and Technology

Lipjan, Kosovo

11:20 AM - 12:50 PM

The motivation for this paper is to try and explore the topic of pluralistic complex societies and democracy. The pluralist version of John Sudenham Furnival, which defines pluralist societies as societies where individuals are geographically mixed but avoid social contact with each other and that such societies are incompatible with democracy, motivated me to stay and explore the topic. I would also like to emphasize the stability of such a society, i.e. the moderate effect of overlapping membership. Namely, majority rule and the political model of government-versus-opposition implies democracy and hence the theses of which model of political governance should be applied in multiethnic plural societies. Namely, I do intend to point out the views and opinions of various authors who have written on this topic and as a synthesis to draw conclusions about the moderate political (democratic) stability of the pluralist societies.

Invasiveness, Intrusiveness and Influence: Three New Metrics for Measuring Communication between Political Echo Chambers

Eglantina Kalluçi Xhaja, University for Business and Technology - UBT

Lipjan, Kosovo

11:20 AM - 12:50 PM

The emergence of digital social networks introduced the concept of political echo chambers, networks aligned to specific political ideologies whose membership don’t trust people from the other side. Political echo chambers exist under an implicit assumption of insulation from other competing echo chambers. However, beyond the presumptive insulation underpinning both the echo chamber scholarly definition and popular perceptions about it, empirically we know almost nothing about echo chamber insulation, its socio-technological character as well as its impermeability. Only recently scholars have begun to establish some conceptual toolkits about political echo chambers’ inner dynamics and their communication with the outside world. Those conceptual efforts notwithstanding, the problem of empirically measuring cross-echo chamber communication persists. How do we measure the communication between political echo chambers? If political echo chambers are not that insulated from the outside world―and other political echo chambers― as previously assumed, how can we measure their exchange with those other political echo chambers? How can we measure their import-export information flow as well as their influence vis-à-vis other political echo chambers? We respond to those concerns by proposing three graph-level metrics, invasiveness, influence, and intrusiveness, where invasiveness measure how much a certain network manages to invade its opponent’s space (and comparatively, which network invasiveness dominates the other); influence, measures the quality of that information flow, and intrusiveness measures the penetrability of information into an adversary echo chamber.

Parallel state in Kosovo – on the way to building statehood

Marzena Żakowska, War Studies University Warsaw, Poland

Lipjan, Kosovo

11:20 AM - 12:50 PM

This study examines the process of building a parallel state by Kosovo Albanians with emphasize on the state structure, needs and interests of the political actors. The problems of developing administrative institutions, education and a healthcare system are discussed. Realism and human needs theory were the main theoretical approaches applied in this research. The relationship between the political actors involved in creating the parallel state and the official state authority are presented based on the implemented three factor model: needs – interest – position. The study focuses on addressing the research question: What kind of factors make the existence of a parallel state similar to that of an independent state? This review of primary and secondary data leads to the formulation of key implications for further research that functioning parallel states stimulate the desire in society to establish independent state.

The importance of public participation in building up democracies in former Yugoslav states. Case study: Kosovo and Croatia

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Florentina Hajdari Hajra, Faculty of Contemporary Social Science, SEEU, Republic of North Macedonia
Dritero Arifi, University for Business and Technology

Lipjan, Kosovo

11:20 AM - 12:50 PM

There is a large body of scientific literature in social science and governmental documents which deals with abstract norms and principles for assessing and judging public deliberation and participation. Almost all political scientists agree that public participation enriches democracy by helping to ensure better decision-making and strengthening politicians’ accountability to the people. But, what is the effect of public participation into transforming political systems, and what are the key factors that cause these transformations? These questions remain still unsolved completely. Through this article, the main purpose is to elaborate the effects of public participation on building up democracies (similarities and differences) in former Yugoslav states, Kosovo and Croatia, by analyzing the Transformation Index BTI, Croatia and Kosovo Country Reports and also Varieties of Democracies - Public Variables on Public Participation for Kosovo and Croatia. The hypotheses raised are based in transformation studies that put an effort on explaining the importance of public participation in different political changes, especially on bringing up democratic values. Given a history that in many respects can be considered similar, Kosovo and Croatia as two states that built the legal framework based on the principles of the European Union, seem to have their differences in the development of democracy with a focus on public participation in decision-making that are rated very differently into the Transformation Indexes.

1:00 PM

COVID 19 RECESSION THROUGH POLICYMAKERS HIBRENATE ECONOMY Case study: Kosova

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Ardian Uka, University for Business and Technology - UBT

Lipjan, Kosovo

1:00 PM - 2:20 PM

In the first half of the year 2020 we have witnessed a pandemic spread all over the globe. The harmful impacts of Covid-19 on the health of humans that could end in “death- penalty” were tried to be prevented by locking down almost all businesses/economy expect the medical sector and businesses that offer essential goods and bakery. The lock-down had massive negative effects on the businesses that were effecting therefore global economy is facing a recession. The main aim of this paper is to understand the policymakers’ decision towards the “Covid-19 first era” by tuning economical tools such as lower interest rate by central bank; justifying tax & fiscal policies; cut the government spending; the lock-down and the post-pone of the utility payments (roll over debt), rents and other regular payment such as loans (don’t pay debts) which will hibernate the economy. Furthermore, this paper elaborates the economical tools that should be taken in concern in order to overcome the pandemic recession also known as “the post “Covid-19 first era”. This paperwork objectives are defined through dependable, intermediary and independent variables, in order to overcome the hibernation of the country’s economy. The Covid-19 impact in Kosova economy’s to overcome the recession through sustainable pro-jobs investment, fair taxation and other economical tools such as Remittance and Kosova Pension Trust Fund, in order to accelerate the economy.

Resurgence of transition economics: Brexit as an expected example, experience and lesson

Ruzhdi Matoshi, University for Business and Technology
Isa Mulaj, Department of Economic Research, Institute for Economic Policy Research and Analyses, Republic of Kosovo

Lipjan, Kosovo

1:00 PM - 2:20 PM

Transition economics was and still is a topic mostly associated with the post- communist countries in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). The cause of its emergence as a theory was not purely economic – the spearhead was politics – leading to the collapse of the Eastern Block, to be followed by the disintegration of three federal states: Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, and Czechoslovakia, with many civil wars and ethnic conflicts. The experience proved a relaxation to the western liberal developed democracies as it strengthened the belief of their superior model which the transition economies want to embrace. First of all, the transition provided a new opportunity for interaction between European East and West. On the eve of its 30th anniversary, with more than half of these countries experiencing “the end of transition” and joining the European Union (EU) while the rest considered not yet meeting the “standards”, another transition is on the way, and this one not going into but coming out from the EU itself, Brexit respectively. Just like in former communist countries, it too, originated from politics, namely the results of June 2016 referendum that decided for the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the EU, a move that is about to force considerable changes in the economy, already labelled as “transition.” Although an intensive phase of research and debate is underway, the aim of this paper is to explore the implications of Brexit in terms of its international economics and contribute to a more general theory of transition economics which so far has been reserved for, and as a reference to, post-communist countries in CEE.

The impact of COVID-19 on International Trade - political and economic effects in the new era of globalization

Xhemail Çupi, University for Business and Technology
Fisnik Muça, Ministry of Justice, Macedonia

Lipjan, Kosovo

1:00 PM - 2:20 PM

Throughout history and in the 19th and 20th centuries, humanity and states faced financial crises: The Great Depression and the Financial Crisis of 2008-2009, which have had an intense impact in terms of rules and principles of trade and actors in international relations. From the end of 2019 until today, countries face the world pandemic known as COVID-19, which has impacted not only human health but also many other aspects internationally; setting rules and restrictions by the World Health Organization (WHO) regarding the movement of people and trade; in the decline of the volume and value of international trade in goods and services; production reductions by manufacturing companies; restriction of transport services; as well as a substantial decline in passenger airlines and air transport companies; limiting even the executive power of states in some cases. This research aims to highlight the impact that the pandemic has had in terms of international trade and the perspective of states' role in establishing rules and principles regarding the international political economy, especially in the new era of globalization, taking as a case study the states of North Macedonia, Albania, and Kosovo.

The Influence of Religion on Kosovo Politics

Arben Arifi, University for Business and Technology - UBT

Lipjan, Kosovo

1:00 PM - 2:20 PM

In every country that has emerged from the transition and has a long history with minorities and different religions, which definitely has great religious implications, national policies were transmitted through them. Kosovo is a country with a very very ancient religious history. Starting from Neolithic prehistory and later being the epicenter of early apostolic Christianity with the ancient Ulpiana- Justiniana Secunda, the episcopal see which together with Justiniana Prima and ancient Skopje were the capitals of Dardania, as well as the main headquarters of Christianity in the time of the byzantine Emperor Justinian with Dardanian origin. During antiquity and medieval period, religion continued uninterruptedly, where after the great schismatic division in 1054, the Orthodox churches of the Byzantine rite began to appear. During this time from the end of the IX–th century even the Slavs officially accept Christianity and they began to appear strongly in Kosovo that in addition to the Serbian popullation were also Orthodox Albanians who constituted the core of the Orthodox religion. From the Middle Ages begins the great religious politicization of the Serbs, who were strengthened as a result of the weakening of the Byzantine Empire. The Middle Ages produced the Serbian myth, calling Kosovo the cradle of Serbism, which till nova day is causing great problems. After the Ottoman conquests, the Albanian population in Kosovo gradually began to Islamize and as a result, the Albanian Orthodox element in Kosovo would decrease significantly and be dominated by the Serbian element who were vassals of the Ottomans. Thus Kosovo became like the of the religious Gordian knot where they would cause conflicts and wars, it sufficient to mention the Nachertanija of 1844 which was drafted by the Serbian Orthodox Church and the Academy of Sciences which political platform began to apply unprecedented violence against Albanians and which consequently it became part of Serbian daily politics. This tense situation continues to this day where religion greatly influences Kosovo politics especially after the declaration of independence and reflects the political developments where the Serbian Orthodox Church has become a constitutional category. The area of northern Mitrovica and other enclaves and the danger in the partition of Kosovo today come as a result of the influence of religion in politics.

Which is the rational choice view on political parties, their role in politics and their coalitional behaviour?

Labinot Greiçevci, University for Business and Technology - UBT

Lipjan, Kosovo

1:00 PM - 2:20 PM

Political parties are the main links between citizens and governments. They represent different interests and values of citizens in the election and representation of their interests in legislature and formation and leading of governments. Therefore, political parties matter and play a significant role in the operation of democracy and politics in general. But, in the rational choice analytical structure, the political parties role as an essential component of politics and democracy until the late 1980s was rejected or at least has been seen of secondary importance. Moreover, it is yet the case nowadays that political parties are one of the less fully developed components of the rational choice approach. Thus, this rejection until the late 1980s of the role of political parties in politics and the gap that still exists in the rational choice approach about political parties raises the importance of dealing with this topic. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to analyse the view of the rational choice about political parties and their role in politics and democracy and their coalitional behaviour in making and breaking governments. In order to reach this goal, the paper will cover the following issues: Firstly, it will address in short the view of the most critical scholars of political parties more specifically about the concept of political parties and their role in politics and operation of democracy in order to facilitate the further analysis. Afterwards, it will move on to analysing how rational choice conceives political parties and their role in politics and democracy. Finally, the last part of this paper will comprise the rational choice view in coalitional behaviour of political parties in making and breaking governments.

2:30 PM

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND WORLD ORDER

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Shpendim Oxha, University for Business and Technology - UBT
Fatos Rushiti, University for Business and Technology - UBT

Lipjan, Kosovo

2:30 PM - 4:00 PM

International organization is a relatively new practice of the functioning of societies around the globe. Both as a practice and as a defined idea, it appears relatively late in history. Although various forms of wider organization of some societies (states) in temporary unions are also noticed in ancient civilizations, yet this is not the essence of this phenomenon in the contemporary meaning of the word. Ancient communities were of a military nature. Unions of some against others were formed for military needs and as soon as wars ended, such unions disbanded. However, the development of capitalism even in modern times strongly imposed mutual dependence on the world. Such state of affairs gave the interaction process regional and international proportions, despite old autarkic tendencies. States were necessarily oriented towards mutual cooperation and common solutions to the problems of the region and the wider international community. This need and practice actualized the question about the ways, means and forms through which they can respond to the new challenges of mutual life in the vast expanses of the world stage and human creation. The answer to this were the first manifestations of international organization in all spheres of social practice. These first efforts will later rise to the level of regular and well-known phenomena in the realization of processes and international relations, known as international organizations. Nowadays, international organizations are necessary mechanisms for the realization of international life in all its aspects, both regionally and globally. Their functioning showed that, with them, the world has instruments for solving the most subtle and complex regional and world problems. Globalization only emphasizes their position and power in contemporary life.

LEADERSHIP OF FORMAL AND INFORMAL BUSINESS BY WOMEN: COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS FOR POLLOG REGION

Selami Syla, University for Business and Technology - UBT
Shpresa Suli, SEEU, Ilindenska nr, Tetovo, RNMacedonia,

Lipjan, Kosovo

2:30 PM - 4:00 PM

The Republic of North Macedonia is still in the transition phase. Entrepreneurship and the creation of small and medium-sized businesses play a key role in creating new jobs, opening the way to the free market of the European economy, sustainable development and economic growth. The labor market in the country is characterized by high and long-term unemployment rates. The high level of unemployment is one of the main macroeconomic problems. Based on the official data published by the State Statistical Office on labor force, the purpose of this paper is to analyze the skills of entrepreneurial women, the differences that exist in running a formal and informal business, in the present case, in the Polog Region for the period of time (2011-2019). Although entrepreneurship is still under development, because even the few businesses run by women, still men are behind them. In Polog, women and men have no equal economic power as supposed to developed countries where women make various social revolutions and contribute constantly to their improvement. The paper concludes that in the case of Polog Region, women face financial difficulties, lack of experience, low level of education, and lack of adequate training to cope with management difficulties by utilizing the opportunities and capacities they have.

PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AND THE REFORMS, ONE OF THE CONDITIONS FOR INTEGRATION TO THE EUROPEAN UNION

Suzana Mehmedi, University for Business and Technology - UBT

Lipjan, Kosovo

2:30 PM - 4:00 PM

Reforms in the public administration occupy an important role among other priorities of a country aspiring for membership and EU integration. Not that integration depends on public administration reforms, but it’s the quality of reforms that accelerate the pace and strengthen a country’s road towards EU integration. The basic idea is to prove that there is a connection between these two elements or procedures on one hand, and on the other the process of integration of Republic of North Macedonia into EU depending on the public administration reform. This means that the more effective reformation of public administration the RNM has made, the shorter term of meeting the conditions for EU integration it will take. From the very beginnings of the independence of the Republic of North Macedonia a lot of importance and value has been given to adjusting reforms in accordance to the new pluralist democratic conditions and those of the economy. Up to 1999, when the process of reforms was incited, a very small part of the specific engagements was accomplished in terms of improving the functionality of the public administration. The main goal to be reached through the implementation of the reforms in the RNM is the development of a democratic society and the development of the economy. The reforms in the public administration take a very important role among other priorities of a country that aspires to become a member and integrate in the EU. The integration does not depend on public administration reforms, but the quality of reforms does accelerate the tempo and strengthens the road of a country towards EU integration. The basic idea is to prove that there is a correlation between these two elements or procedures. The process of integration of RNM into the EU is very much dependable, among other things, also from the public administration reforms and if Republic of North Macedonia manages to conduct an efficient reformation of the public administration, it will comply with EU integration criteria faster.

Public diplomacy and the case of Kosovo

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Ngadhnjim Brovina, University for Business and Technology - UBT
Dritero Arifi, University for Business and Technology
Fjollë Nuhiu, ILIRA University

Lipjan, Kosovo

2:30 PM - 4:00 PM

Diplomacy is the main tool of foreign policy, but not the only. It also depends on the economic and military power of the state. However, diplomacy today in the 21st century has advanced a lot and is divided into several types. In addition to the classical or traditional form, today is known as very effective modern diplomacy, public and digital diplomacy. In this scientific paper as a case study related with public diplomacy, is chosen Kosovo. The main purpose of this paper is related to public diplomacy as a tool of foreign policy and the adaptation of Kosovo;s foreign policy to these types of diplomacy. The materials elaborated in this paper mainly include local and international literature about the field of public diplomacy, but also from empirical research. The methodology applied in this scientific paper is mainly based on the analysis of these literatures and empirical research, i.e. it is used the analytical method. The results expected from this paper are intended to show the types of diplomacy, mainly public diplomacy, and how Kosovo's foreign policy should use this type of diplomacy to advance the interests of the state and to improve its image. With the conclusion of this paper, some concrete examples will be presented of how Kosovo has the opportunity to use public diplomacy, given that it is a small country, without military, economic and political influence and how it has often succeeded through public diplomacy.

The political process of state formation of Kosovo from the establishment of the international protectorate to Independence

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Ruzhdi Jashari, University for Business and Technology
Donika Hoti, Assambly Kosovo

Lipjan, Kosovo

2:30 PM - 4:00 PM

After the signing of the Rambouillet Agreement, NATO bombing began, where the citizens of Kosovo are forced to leave their t The March 2004 riots, which began in the northern part of Mitrovica, after the killing of two Albanian children, led to the burning of some Orthodox churches in some parts of Kosovo by some protesters. Following this situation, the UN Secretary General, Mr. Kofi Annan, charged the Norwegian Mr. Kai Eide for a report, which would reflect the situation in Kosovo.erritory, due to violence from Serbia. This act sent Kosovo to oversee the administration of the United Nations. UN issues Security Council “Resolution 1244”, placing Kosovo under UN protectorate. In terms of "de jure", Kosovo remained part of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. According to this Resolution, the UN was responsible for civil administration, while NATO was responsible for the security of the territory. It is alleged that the friendly countries that helped Kosovo in 1999 wanted to avoid including the term "Yugoslavia" in the resolution, but Russia, through its veto power in the Security Council, included this term in the Resolution. In December 2003, the International Community, through the Special Representative of the United Nations Secretary-General, Mr. Harry Holkeri, sent to Kosovo a document known as the "Standards for Kosovo". The document contained the main tasks that Kosovo had to accomplish by 2005 and then initiate the determination of Kosovo's final status. Following this Report, the Kosovo-Serbia negotiation process and the finalization of Kosovo status were opened. Meanwhile, Ahhtisar's plan, the special envoy for the status of Kosovo, according to analysts, sent Kosovo towards independence, on February 17, 2018.

2021
Saturday, October 30th
12:00 AM

Balkan leaders plans vs European Union plans! The case of Albania, Kosovo and North Macedonia

Ines Stasa
Ada Guven

UBT Kampus, Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

Can Democratic Subjectivity Be a Way Out of Recent Crisis of Democracy? The Case of Turkey

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Erdem Damar, Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences, Başkent University

UBT Kampus, Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

Challenges and benefits of the European "Green Agenda" for participating countries

Xhemail Çupi, University for Business and Technology
Shpendim Oxha

UBT Kampus, Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

CYBER CRIME, THREAT TO THE SECURITY SYSTEMS OF THE WESTERN BALKANS

Arian Kadriu

UBT Kampus, Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

Democratic stability of pluralist societies

Flora Kadriu, University for Business and Technology

UBT Kampus, Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

ELECTIONS IN CONTEXT OF THE COVID-19 BY THE MONITOR OF THE BLOGS IN SEPTEMBER 2021 IN RUSSIA AND ABOARD

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Marmilova Ekaterina Petrovna

UBT Kampus, Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

Explaining political affinities in Kosovo: Socio-demographics, issue articulation and ideology

Artan Mustafa, University for Business and Technology

UBT Kampus, Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

Features of the electoral process of compulsory voting in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic by the analysis of social media content on Twitter (using the example of the elections in the Province of Misiones of the Argentine Republic in 2021

Marmilova E. P.

UBT Kampus, Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

Implications of Turkey's Politicized Kin-community-making in the Balkans: Transitive Turkish Identity in North Macedonia

Abdullah Sencer Gözübenli, Åbo Akademi University

UBT Kampus, Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

Kosovo's foreign policy and NATO membership: opportunities and challenges

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Bahri Gashi, University for Business and Technology - UBT
Ngadhnjim Brovina, University for Business and Technology - UBT

UBT Kampus, Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

LOCAL ELECTIONS IN KOSOVO, A SET THEORETIC MODEL OF EXPLANATION

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MEHDI SEJDIU

UBT Kampus, Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

“New regional integration initiatives for the Western Balkans as substitutes for EU accession”

Blerim Reka, University for Business and Technology - UBT

UBT Kampus, Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

Pragmatic Peacebuilding: A New Paradigm for Postconflict Efforts toward Peace

Henry F. Carey, Georgia State University
Ridvan Peshkopia

UBT Kampus, Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

Risk Management in case of international threat

Samire Sadiku
Arian Kadriu
Hajdi Xhixha

UBT Kampus, Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

Security in community with the focus on rural crime in the Republic of Kosovo

Bejtush Gashi, Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Kosovo
Arian Kadriu

UBT Kampus, Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

Social security in the Balkans – measures for future development

Marzena Żakowska, University Warsaw, Poland

UBT Kampus, Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

Subsidizing fiscal policy in support of the agricultural sector- The case of Kosovo

Mjellma Bujupi

UBT Kampus, Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

Testing Okun’s Law: Evidence from the Western Balkan Countries

Florin Aliu, University for Business and Technology - UBT
Dritero Arifi, University for Business and Technology
Hajdi Xhixha

UBT Kampus, Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

The consociational model of democracy in Kosovo in comparison to other regional and international cases

Labinot Greiçevci, University for Business and Technology - UBT

UBT Kampus, Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

The gap between the legal framework and social order in addressing property rights for Kosovo women

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Hanza Kastrati, University for Business and Technology - UBT
Krenare Lika, University for Business and Technology - UBT
Riola Morina, University for Business and Technology - UBT
Dritero Arifi, University for Business and Technology

UBT Kampus, Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

The Impact of Diaspora on Local Economic Development in Post-COVID-19

Xhemail Çupi, University for Business and Technology
Fisnik Muça, Ministry of Justice, Macedonia

UBT Kampus, Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

THE IMPORTANCE OF TERRITORIAL ORGANIZATION IN THE CONCEPTION OF CIVIL AND TERRITORIAL DEFENSE

Mentor Tahiri

UBT Kampus, Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

The level of student participation in decision-making processes in Kosovo Universities: a comparative study between the University of Prishtina and the University of Business and Technology

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Blerina Recica, University for Business and Technology - UBT
Dea Preniqi, University for Business and Technology - UBT
Dritero Arifi, University for Business and Technology

UBT Kampus, Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

The return of the left in Kosovo politics and the possibility of changes amid international ingerence

Victória Perino Rosa

UBT Kampus, Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

THE ROLE OF DIPLOMACY TO END THE WAR IN BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA 1992-1995

Ramiz Ismajli
Adnan Sogojeva

UBT Kampus, Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

The Taleban as a Phenomenon of International Relations: Strategic views on the level of international security

Hajdi Xhixha
Nadezhda R. Khan, Kyrgyz-Russian Slavic University
Arian Kadriu, University for Business and Technology (UBT) in Kosovo

UBT Kampus, Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

The Trump Effect on US Public Diplomacy: Results from Survey Experiments in Three “Swing” Countries between the EU and Russia

Henry E. Hale
Ridvan Peshkopia

UBT Kampus, Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

The use of force against civil aircraft-intruders: international legal aspects

Redion Luli, Mediterranean University Tirana, Albania
Hajdi Xhixha

UBT Kampus, Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

UBT - Human Rights and Security

Basri Kastrati
Nikolco Spasov

UBT Kampus, Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

Ukrainian-East European relations from the point of view of the Intermarium and the Vishegrad-4 countries

Földvári, Sándor

UBT Kampus, Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

Unemployed, uncompliant, and unhappy – impact of COVID19 in the Western Balkans

Elvisa Drishti

UBT Kampus, Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

You can go your own way: How transit-country migration attitudes are influenced by European Union ideals

Dastid Morina, University of Salzburg, Austria
Ridvan Peshkopia, University for Business and Technology - UBT
Stephen Voss, University of Kentucky, USA

UBT Kampus, Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

9:00 AM

International Conference on Political Science

PDF

University for Business and Technology - UBT

Lipjan, Kosovo

9:00 AM - 6:30 PM

2022
Saturday, October 29th
12:00 AM

Environmental policy and laws for biodiversity and natyre in Republic of Kosovo

Nexhat Balaj, University for Business and Technology
Hyzer Rizani, University for Business and Technology
Filloreta Balaj, Agricultural University of Tirana, Faculty of Environmental, Albania
Llazar Haxhinasto, Agricultural University of Tirana, Faculty of Environmental, Albania

Lipjan, Kosovo

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

Ethnicity as a variable in war and challenge in the peace

Mentor Tahiri, State University of Library Studies and Information Technologies, Sofia 1784, Bulgaria
Arian Kadriu, University for Business and Technology - UBT

Lipjan, Kosovo

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

International Conference on Political Science

PDF

University for Business and Technology - UBT

UBT Kampus Lipjan

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

Political Inequality and Communism Nostalgia

Tea Hodaj

Lipjan, Kosovo

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

Progressive Policy Innovations at the Local Government Level

Bardh Hoxha, University for Business and Technology - UBT

Lipjan, Kosovo

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

The Impact of Social Factors on the (dis) Harmony of Kosovar Society

Driton Maljichi, Institute for Sociological, Political and Juridical Research (ISPPI), University "ss. Cyril and Methodius" Skopje

Lipjan, Kosovo

12:00 AM - 12:00 AM

2023
Saturday, October 28th
8:00 AM

Belarusian-Ukrainian expert dialogue: public opinion about each other

Vladim Mojeiko

UBT Lipjan, Kosovo

8:00 AM - 6:00 PM

CHARACTERISTICS OF DIGITAL DIPLOMACY OF SMALL STATES: THE CASE OF THE REPUBLIC OF KOSOVO

Viona Rashica

UBT Lipjan, Kosovo

8:00 AM - 6:00 PM

Comparative aspects about national rights between Kosovo Serbs and Albanians in Serbia

Veton Zejnullahu, University for Business and Technology

UBT Lipjan, Kosovo

8:00 AM - 6:00 PM

Cultural diplomacy as a tool of national security

Arben Arifi, University for Business and Technology - UBT

UBT Lipjan, Kosovo

8:00 AM - 6:00 PM

CYBER THREATS RISK ANALYSIS IN STATE POLICIES IN GUARANTEEING NATIONAL SECURITY

Bahri Gashi
Bashkim Smakaj
Ngadhnjim Brovina
Arian Kadriu

UBT Lipjan, Kosovo

8:00 AM - 6:00 PM

EU foreign and security policy: contestations and challenges

Gjon Culaj, University for Business and Technology - UBT
Elton Tota, University for Business and Technology - UBT

UBT Lipjan, Kosovo

8:00 AM - 6:00 PM

Impact of Niger Delta Crisis and National Security in Nigeria: Appraisal of the Amnesty Programme Granted

Kamal Tasiu Abdullahi, Istanbul University
Bashir Dan-Inna

UBT Lipjan, Kosovo

8:00 AM - 6:00 PM

Impact of the Ukraine War on the Evolution of Threat Perceptions in the Western Balkans

Alfred Marleku, University for Business and Technology
Elona Belaj, University for Business and Technology (UBT) in Kosovo

UBT Lipjan, Kosovo

8:00 AM - 6:00 PM

Political commentary in visual communication: Kosovo-Serbia relation

Delfina Ertanowska

UBT Lipjan, Kosovo

8:00 AM - 6:00 PM

The challenges of Kosova in the field of counterintelligenc

Fatos Rushiti, University for Business and Technology - UBT
Llokman Mirtezani, University for Business and Technology - UBT

UBT Lipjan, Kosovo

8:00 AM - 6:00 PM

The European Union mediation in the Kosova-Serbia dialogue: when stability prevails

Djellza Trolli, Université Libre de Bruxelles

UBT Lipjan, Kosovo

8:00 AM - 6:00 PM

The impact of environmental policies and institutional priorities in environmental protection in Kosovo

Nexhat Balaj, University for Business and Technology

UBT Lipjan, Kosovo

8:00 AM - 6:00 PM

The impact of the Ukrainian-Russian conflict on military modernization in the eastern flank

M Grochlaska

UBT Lipjan, Kosovo

8:00 AM - 6:00 PM

The managerial aspect of public interest at the local level - the case of the municipality of Gostivar

Jeton Rakipi, St. Cyril and Methodius University

UBT Lipjan, Kosovo

8:00 AM - 6:00 PM